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Who Killed Daphne And How They Tried To Cover It Up, According To Melvin Theuma

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One year ago today, Malta had lost hope that the mastermind behind the assassination of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia would be found. That all changed with the arrest of Melvin Theuma.

Theuma is the middleman-turned-state-witness who is providing crucial evidence in the case in exchange for a presidential pardon.

Sittings have come thick and fast with a wealth of recordings played to open court (and some behind closed doors). It’s tough to keep track but the courts have provided an open stream of information in the face of a still-media shy government.

With all the twists and turns, here’s how the assassination was planned and how people tried to cover it up, as according to Melvin Theuma (and other court sittings):

Sometime in April 2017: The plot begins

Melvin Theuma, one of ten taxi drivers employed by Tumas Group to work outside the Hilton Hotel, receives a call from Yorgen Fenech at 4.30am. The pair first met years prior through a mutual love of gambling.

Fenech and Theuma meet outside the Blue Elephant Restaurant within Portomaso. Fenech asks:

“Do you know George ‘ċ-Ċiniz’ Degiorgio? I want to kill Daphne Caruana Galizia because she’s about to publish something about my Uncle Ray.”

Theuma doesn’t ask any more questions and quickly sets up a meeting with Alfred ‘Il-Fulu’ Degiorgio, George’s brother. Theuma first met the Degiorgios a few years back after renting out his Marsa apartment to the brothers.

The day after the Blue Elephant meeting, Theuma visits the now-infamous potato shed in Marsa. He informs Degiorgio that an unarmed individual wants the journalist murdered.

“But what does this guy pay?” Degiorgio asks.

 

 

Sometime in April 2017: Busy Bee

Two days later, Theuma and Alfred Degiorgio meet at the quaint Busy Bee confectionary in Msida to discuss the details of the assassination over coffees. George Degiorgio waits in a car outside. At no point is Fenech’s name mentioned.

“It will cost €150,000. I want €30,000 deposit upfront and €120,000 once it’s done,” Degiorgio tells Theuma.

The same day, Theuma informs Fenech of the price. Fenech promises to get back to Theuma.

Sometime in April 2017: The phantom job from Castille

The day after, Theuma receives a call from Fenech. Fenech tells Theuma to expect a call from Sandro Craus, the Rabat Mayor and Head of Customer Care at the Office of the Prime Minister.

A few moments later, Theuma receives the call from Craus, who informs him that he has an appointment with then-Prime Minister’s chief of staff Keith Schembri the next day.

Schembri greets Theuma on the steps of Castille, escorting him through the front door, rather than the side entrance which would require official signing-in. Schembri and Theuma had met once before at a meal at Fenech’s house.

Theuma is quickly taken up to Schembri’s office and is offered a cup of coffee. He puts his time to good use, taking out his mobile phone to capture a now-infamous photo with Schembri.

Theuma is then ushered into Craus’ office. Craus directs Theuma to the offices of the Family Affairs Ministry, in Palazzo Ferreria on Republic Street. Theuma is told that a certain Tony Muscat would be waiting for him.

Muscat was the then-CEO of the Housing Maintenance and Embellishment Ltd, a government company controlled by the Family Affairs Ministry, which at the time was headed by Michael Farrugia (now Energy Minister).

After a two minute interview, Theuma is employed as a messenger/driver within the Housing Maintenance and Embellishment Ltd. Theuma is handed €1,200 per month out of taxpayers money for a job he never turns up for.

1st May: Snap election called

On the day then-Prime Minister Joseph Muscat shocks the nation by announcing a snap general election amid the Egrant allegations, Fenech frantically calls up Theuma to tell him to put a stop to the assassination plot.

“Stop everything now!” Fenech says.

Theuma sets up a meeting with Alfred Degiorgio, again at Busy Bee, for the next day.

Even though Theuma had not yet confirmed the plot, he still hands over €1,500 to keep up appearances. Degiorgio makes it clear to Theuma to call him if the assassination plot restarts.

Fenech and Theuma seemed to enjoy election season. Fenech gambles €150,000 on the Labour Party winning the general election by more than 20,000 votes through Theuma, who runs his own illegal gambling operation.

Fenech wins big, taking home €300,000 with Theuma taking a 5% cut.

3rd June: Election day

Hours after Muscat and the Labour Party demolish the Nationalist Party in the general election on 3rd June 2017, Fenech phones up Theuma.

Fenech is drunk and orders Theuma to go ahead with the assassination plot. Theuma doesn’t take notice.

Mid-June 2017: Money provided

Two weeks later, Fenech calls Theuma, asking to drive him to the airport. During the journey, Fenech hands over €150,000 to Theuma in a brown envelope. Once again, Theuma doesn’t ask any questions.

Theuma hands over €30,000 to Degiorgios and places the rest of the remaining funds hidden at home.

Soon after, Fenech quickly grows frantic over the murder, asking Theuma to speed up the plot. It was at this point that Theuma realised the information Caruana Galizia was planning to publish was related to Fenech and not his uncle Ray.

The pair grows concerned over how the killers would assassinate Caruana Galizia. Fenech raises concerns with Theuma over using a car bomb referencing Romeo Bone, the man who’s two legs were blown off in a Msida explosion.

Theuma speaks to the Degiorgios who assure him not to worry about it.

July to August 2017 – The assassination gets planned

George and Alfred Degiorgio bring Vince ‘Il-Kohhu’ Muscat on board. Theuma provides them with details over Caruana Galizia’s movements, namely her residence and a Naxxar coffee shop she liked to frequent.

It seems that not all was going to plan. During a meeting at the potato shed, the Degiorgios tell Theuma that the task is proving to be challenging.

“She’s giving us problems, but she’ll get it. A lot of tough guys have died. She will die too,”

Muscat is not present for the meeting. However, the Degiorgios do tell him that Melvin Theuma is the middleman for whoever wants the murder done.

The three men, sometimes joined by Theuma, begin following Caruana Galizia. On one occasion, Alfred Degiorgio takes Theuma to a vantage point by Caruana Galizia’s Bidnija home.

Early October 2017: The first failed attempt

Theuma receives a phone call from Alfred Degiorgio sometime during the first weeks of October 2017 after a failed attempt to carry out the assassination.

Road works in the area mean that there is some police presence in the area, particularly by their chosen lookout point. Theuma is provided with no details on when the men plan to carry out the assassination.

16th October 2017: Daphne is assassinated

At 3pm, Daphne Caruana Galizia is assassinated by a car bomb outside her home. Theuma finds out about the murder through a TVM bulletin.

FBI and other international experts are immediately called to Malta to investigate. Schembri has since insisted that he was the one to orchestrate the FBI’s involvement. However, this has been rubbished time and time again by those closest to the investigation.

Theuma starts to worry, fearing that their demise is now inevitable.

“My life ended the day she died,” Theuma has perversely told the courts.

The nation would later find out that the Degiorgios and Muscat used mobile phones to detonate the bomb. Impressive work by the FBI and police leads them to zero on the three men. Muscat, who is the spotter, leaves a cigarette butt with DNA evidence by the vantage point.

17th October 2017: Theuma’s concerned visit to Club 22

Theuma concerns are growing, so he decides to pay a visit to Fenech at Club 22 within the Portomaso tower. Theuma sees Turab Musayev, the then-Electrogas director who now has links to a controversial Enemalta purchase of a Montenegrin wind farm.

Fenech tries to calm Theuma down, insisting that the FBI and international experts will soon leave the island.

“So what if they’re here? It’s the Maltese police who are investigating,” Fenech says.

Early November 2017: Police begin closing in on Degiorgios and Muscat

Roughly two weeks later, it becomes Fenech’s turn to start growing concerned. He’s been informed that investigators have reached a breakthrough in the case and have uncovered the message used to detonate the bomb. Muscat, who was the spotter, also left a cigarette butt with DNA evidence by the vantage point.

The pair meet by the Toyota showroom in Haz-Żebbuġ. Fenech, despite concerns, assures Theuma that everything is going to be ok. He promises to keep tabs on developments.

Fenech’s information comes just days after then-Assistant Commissioner Silvio Valletta sets up unprecedented meetings with Prime Minister Joseph Muscat and his chief of staff Keith Schembri.

Other key figures are present, including Homicide Inspector Keith Arnaud, Head of Malta’s Secret Service Michael Bugeja, former head of government communications Kurt Farrugia, and Brigadier Jeffrey Curmi.

30th November 2017: Details of the raid are leaked

During an unprecedented briefing, Muscat and Schembri are told the identities of three men police suspect carried out the assassination. Valletta and Arnaud inform the meeting that they are planning to raid the Marsa potato shed on either 5th December, 6th December, and 10th December 2017.

The same day, Fenech calls Theuma for a meeting outside Portomaso. There, Fenech tells Theuma that he’s been informed that there is going to be a raid on 5th December.

He tells Theuma that he received the information directly from Keith Schembri.

Theuma immediately goes to inform the Degiorgios about the planned raid.

5th December 2017: The first round of arrests

Police, army officials, and secret service officers descend upon the Marsa potato shed to arrest Alfred Degiorgio, George Degiorgio, and Vince Muscat. Footage of the operation is released soon after. However, high-production values raise suspicions.

Several high-valued cars are found within the shed. Burner phones and a wealth of other items are discovered within the harbour. There are unproven claims that one number held then-Economy Minister Chris Cardona’s mobile number.

Seven other men are arrested that day, including the infamous ‘Tal-Maksar’ brother Adrian and Robert Agius. Miguel Caruana, Sandro Cilia, Jamie Vella, Anton Cachia, and Rudy Camilleri are the other five.

December 2017 to April 2018: Keeping the Degiorgios happy

Soon after the men were charged and sent to Corradino Correctional Facility, Theuma began paying the three men around €300 weekly, €100 each. After using several intermediaries, Theuma began dealing directly with Mario Degiorgio, George and Alfred’s brother, and Muscat’s daughter.

Most of the times, Theuma would fund their weekly salaries himself. He began feeling the pressure with Mario Degiorgio, who began making more and more requests for money. These included things like school fees and household issues.

On several occasions, Theuma spoke with the Degiorgios on the phone while they were in prison. Back then, police only knew him as the “man whose name starts with ‘M’”.

Theuma started drinking heavily and popping pills. He was steamrolling towards depression and had contemplated killing himself several times. Fenech noticed and handed him €5,000 for a family holiday.

A few days after his return, he spoke with the Degiorgios who told him that they needed €30,000 to pay their lawyer. Fenech forks out the €30,000 and a further €25,000 to cover the expenses.

Fenech did not always cover the expense himself with Theuma on one occasion forking out €20,000 to pay the brothers.

“I never made a cent. I actually lost money. He acted like a friend but I know now that’s the not the case,” Theuma has told the court.

By the end of April 2018, Vince Muscat has begun talking to investigators to try negotiate a plea deal. Melvin Theuma’s name is first mentioned to police.

May 2018: The recordings start

Soon after, Fenech, Theuma, and others discover that Muscat has started to talk.

Johann Cremona, Fenech’s business partner through Bestplay and Oracle Gaming, quickly enters the scene. He is friends with Theuma and rents an office in Hal Qormi from him.

Cremona phones up Theuma to inform him that a certain “Kenneth from Castille” would like to talk to him. Kenneth Camillieri was working as a security guard for then-Prime Minister Joseph Muscat at the time.

Cremona ferried to Camilleri to Theuma’s home. However, he left soon after. Camilleri phones someone during the meeting. He tells Theuma to inform the men charged with the murder that they will get bailed out on the 22nd May and that they will be given €1 million each.

Theuma has revealed that while he didn’t eavesdrop on Camilleri’s conversation, he suspects he was speaking to Schembri.

The next day, Camilleri visits Theuma and Cremona at the Hal Qormi office. There he brings out a piece of paper with three mobile numbers written on it, one of which was Theuma’s old mobile number.

After the meeting, Theuma passes on the message to the Degiorgios. However, when the trail goes cold, the brothers start making threats.

Theuma now decides to start recording his conversations and slowly begins building his evidence box. He tells Cremona that Schembri and Fenech betrayed him. He begins meeting Cremona almost daily. He also records Cremona.

The first of these recordings have been played in court, capturing himself and Fenech discussing the issue in a taxi. While Theuma has been fuzzy on dates, he has said this happened soon after Barcelona and Real Madrid faced off. That game was on 6th May 2018.

He has repeatedly told the court that he feared Schembri and Fenech would kill him.

May 2018: Sometime in 2019: Melvin Theuma’s recordings of Fenech

Unfortunately, Theuma has been miserable when it comes to pinpointing dates of the recordings. However, most detail the wealth of information both Theuma and Fenech were provided on the state of the investigations.

To begin with, recordings have made it clear that the men were very much aware of Muscat’s pardon request. They knew that Muscat had named Theuma as a potential middleman and that he was ready to speak up about several unsolved murders and the HSBC heist.

The information, Fenech and Theuma say in the recordings, are coming from several people, most notably Silvio Valletta and Keith Schembri.

In one tape, Fenech says that Schembri had spoken with various Cabinet members, including then-Justice Minister Owen Bonnici and Joseph ‘Ix-Xih’ Muscat, to examine the status of the pardon.

They were also aware that the security services had tapped their phones and that investigators were closing in on their potential involvement. They dismiss protests as the moans of bitter people, insistent that they won’t get caught.

Theuma decides to be bold and inform Fenech through Cremona that he has been recording him. Little does Fenech know, that Theuma’s evidence box includes a note naming both he and Schembri as the masterminds behind the assassination.

During this period, Theuma says, Fenech had grown more and more distant. There have been several hints that Fenech was battling his own cocaine addiction.

This did not stop the Degiorgios, who continued to pressure Theuma to provide them with funds. He says that on one instance, Mario Degiorgio detailed their links to Cardona, including attempts to acquire a marijuana license.

The payments would continue right up until Fenech and Theuma’s arrest.

Theuma’s mental health worsens. He has told the court that he had even tried calling PN figures like Simon Busuttil and Jason Azzopardi over this period.

Police have confirmed that Fenech was identified as the potential mastermind by October 2018. Muscat and Schembri were both informed during one of their unprecedented meetings on the case.

At some point during this time-frame, Theuma informs Edwin ‘Il-Gojja’ Brincat of his involvement. Brincat is a father figure to Theuma and they have a long-standing personal and professional relationship.

Theuma also has face to face encounters with some critical players over these months. He spots Silvio Valletta having dinner at Fenech’s house, while actually goes to meet Fenech outside Girgenti during Muscat’s exclusive birthday bash.

May 2019: Police Commissioner leaks details on recordings

Police begin pursuing an arrest of Theuma with far more vigour. However, they are concerned that they are simply unable to do so in connection with the assassination. They decide to begin looking into a money laundering case, tracing Theuma’s history as a loan shark and an illegal bookie.

Through various wiretaps, they believed that the recordings did exist, but did were cautious in showing their hand.

Then-Police Commissioner Lawrence Cutajar decided to take the issue into his hands. Brincat, who has known Cutajar for close to 30-years, calls up Cutajar to arrange a parking ticket that could lead to him losing his license.

Cutajar uses the opportunity to ask Brincat whether the recordings exist and ultimately leak crucial information on the case. Cutajar is currently subject to a magisterial inquiry over the issue amid other allegations of a history of bribes between the two men.

Brincat immediately informs Theuma. Theuma, in turn, says he starts bragging about his connections with Cutajar to Fenech and Cremona.

Over this period, police believe that Fenech attempts to purchase a pistol and polonium.

June to October 2019: Investigations gather pace

The investigation continues to gather pace. However, both Theuma and Fenech are still very much aware of their operations. As-yet-unplayed recordings show Theuma telling Cremona which police departments had files on him.

Cremona informs Theuma that the police are focusing on a money-laundering investigation, even showing him a formal request for information from police on the matter.

Most of the recordings over this period are yet to be played in court. Most of them were only discovered well after the arrest of Theuma, some where corrupted while others were found on other devices.

Court testimonies have shown that the men were growing wearier and wearier over this period. Particularly over Muscat’s renewed plea bargaining attempts through lawyer Arthur Azzopardi. Cremona somehow acquires a copy and hands it over to Theuma.

It seems that while the men feared an arrest, they were repeatedly assured by their sources, which include people like Keith Schembri, that everything would be ok.

Cutajar, meanwhile, holds another meeting with Brincat around October 2019. Unheard recordings and Fenech’s defence team hint at Cutajar potentially accepting a bribe to secure Theuma’s pardon.

Police start officially planning the arrest of Theuma by October 2019. Muscat and Schembri are informed. Soon after, the exit a shared WhatsApp group with Fenech.

November 2019: The noose tightens

Cremona and Fenech inform Theuma that police are planning a raid of his properties. He is told that he will be arrested around 10th to 14th November.

However, he is handed a lifeline. Cremona and Fenech tell him that then-Economic Crimes Unit Inspector Raymond Aquilina will question him before sending him on his way.

Theuma grows desperate for more and more information. However, Cremona and Fenech go cold. He grows more frustrated, demanding to know which properties will be raided. He has told the court he did not want his family to be brought into this.

There are several allegations that the pardon plot with Cutajar continues at this point.

14th November 2019: Theuma is arrested

Their information never comes and on 14th November, Theuma is arrested. He is taken to the police headquarters in Floriana and waits for Raymond Aquilina.

However, Inspector Nicholas Vella enters the interrogation room instead. It throws Theuma off guard and he fears that he is being thrown under the bus.

Theuma has an ace up his sleeve and immediately demands to speak to Keith Arnaud. He immediately tells Arnaud that he has evidence proving who masterminded the assassination.

On Monday 18th November, after some claims are corroborated. Arnaud and Inspector Kurt Zahra open the evidence box.

The first thing they see is a photo of Theuma and Schembri, along with a handwritten note naming both Schembri and Fenech as the masterminds. Beneath them are several USB sticks carrying to crucial evidence that would lead to Fenech’s arrest.

Arnaud and several investigators claim that this is the point they became aware of Schembri’s potential involvement – and more worryingly his fraternal friendship with Fenech.

Theuma is granted a pardon on 25th November, a few days after Fenech’s arrest. He begins testifying soon after.

Do you believe Theuma’s version of events? Comment below

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