1. A special law enforcement agency for political crimes and corruption

Repubblika’s call for a special law enforcement agency to fight corruption is spot on. The existing institutional architecture for fighting fraud and corruption ranges from dedicated units within enforcement agencies, such as the much-vaunted FCID and FIAU, the Permanent Commission Against Corruption, and National Audit Office, among others. 

Time has shown how this patchwork of bodies, cobbled together as the Government roasted under the spotlight of international scrutiny, is failing in its duty to investigate the conduct of public officers (including Ministers, Parliamentary Secretaries, MPs, and civil servants) who may be engaging in or connected to fraudulent and corrupt practices. 

This could be due to political capture and direct orders to turn a blind eye (nolle prosequi, anyone?), institutional incompetence, or a lack of resources to keep up with the convoluted web of criminality that has taken hold of Maltese political life. Our guess is all of the above. 

Singapore, meanwhile, has earned a reputation as one of the least corrupt countries in the world — not least thanks to the sweeping investigative and enforcement powers granted to its Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau, and this independent agency’s commitment to prosecuting high-profile cases. In July, Singapore’s transport minister was arrested together with one of Singapore’s richest people. 

Joseph Muscat’s prophecy of turning Malta into the next Singapore could be the answer after all. 

2. Financial incentives for whistleblowers 

The insularity of Maltese society and vitriol in our binary politics act as powerful deterrents to potential whistleblowers. We should learn from other countries offering strong financial incentives to encourage individuals to blow the whistle on corruption, misuse of office or criminal offences in government departments and public sector entities. 

In the US, whistleblowers who report fraud and corruption can receive a percentage of the recovered funds, often ranging from 15% to 30% of the amount recovered. 

3. Abolition of electoral districts to eliminate clientelism 

This case, in which the alleged beneficiaries of fraudulent disability benefits hailed largely from Labour-leaning localities, is a textbook example of clientelism and confirms the urgency of constitutional reform of our electoral system. 

Such criminal activity is enabled by our system of small multi-member constituencies, in which dilettante politicians curry favour with voters by dishing out handouts and jobs, masked behind the fake glorification of politicians “being close to the people”. 

Our Single-Transferrable-Vote system and 13 electoral districts should be abolished. A possible alternative is a Party List proportional representation system, in which parties present nationwide lists of candidates, with the percentage of votes a party receives determining their number of seats. 

4. A comprehensive review of MP and Cabinet remuneration

Returning to Singapore, this global financial hub’s efforts to deter corruption includes paying its Cabinet ministers salaries on par with the top private sector earners.

Here in Malta, the taboo against increasing MP and Cabinet remuneration has ensured the survival of a culture of collusion and kickbacks. It’s time our political parties and citizens display a modicum of maturity in bringing this discussion back on the agenda.

Increasing the remuneration of our elected officials would help professionalise the political class and attract Malta’s best minds to public life. It would also reduce politicians’ exposure to the temptations of engaging in corrupt practices to supplement their income, and create a stronger sense of accountability and obligation to serve the public interest.

These four ideas are by no means definitive. 

Others may include stricter requirements in Cabinet members’ declaration of assets, a specialised anti-corruption court with dedicated judges, and stronger rules for merit-based hiring and promotions in the public service to ensure the appointment of people of integrity (especially in headship positions). 

It is hard to imagine what Malta would look like without the efforts of journalists and civil society organisations to expose top-level corruption. Daphne Caruana Galizia sacrificed her life for this cause. But they cannot do it alone. 

It is ultimately up to us citizens to compel our political class to take meaningful action through public demonstrations and, most importantly, our vote.